World Tribunal On Iraq - Culminating Session - Istanbul 23.-27. Juni 2005
The preeminent wrongs against the citizens of the coalition are of
* misreporting the 'threat' from Iraq (links with 'al Qaeda', existence
of WMD, the motives for the war)
* misreporting the occupation
* marginalising, ignoring and undermining dissent.
* Contributing to the creation of a climate of fear
The conduct and role of the media in the case of Iraq must be
understood in terms of the underlying interests and policies of both
the media institutions themselves and of the US and UK governments in
relation to information. It is important to understand the philosophy,
administration and practice of the propaganda apparatus in order to
understand how the media have performed. My evidence therefore focuses
first on the philosophy of information control, then on the apparatus
and administration of propaganda, before examining its effects on media
performance.
The philosophy of information control
The philosophy of information control is based on a concept called
'information dominance'. This basically means that information is a
weapon of war and that it must be used as such. Information is not, in
this model something which can be used to evaluate how the world works
in order to make decisions. Rather it is simply an aid or obstacle to
information dominance. Information therefore comes in two types
friendly and unfriendly. The former is to be promoted and the latter
destroyed or contained. Thus the media are not there to be manipulated
or influenced but to be used or neutralised.
This is a new concept in official thinking which collapses distinctions
between the military and non military and between information and
weaponry. The consequences of this for the use of media in war are
profound and relate strongly to the question before the tribunal.1
The apparatus of propaganda
In keeping with information dominance the propaganda a apparatus used
by the US and UK has undergone comprehensive overhaul since 9/11. The
apparatus is now globally co-ordinated and integrated across
departments internally in the US and UK. This has three consequences of
note. First that the campaign to convince the world that Iraq was a
threat was co-ordinated and planned. Second that the propaganda
operation in Iraq was co-ordinated and planned (during the invasion and
then during the occupation) and third and most importantly that the
internal propaganda apparatus in the US and UK which deals with the
domestic 'terrorist threat' is also co-ordinated and integrated. In
other words we can talk about the creation and moderation of a climate
of fear, rather than discussing a governmental apparatus reacting,
perhaps clumsily, to genuine threats.2
The incorporation of the media into the propaganda apparatus
The process of incorporation is the effect of the philosophy outlined
above which have two basic techniques of control. These are the carrot
for 'friendly' media and the stick for 'unfriendly' media. The stick
involves threats, the use of violence and intimidation and a refusal to
treat journalists as a separate category of non-combatants. This meant
that in certain circumstances journalists were regarded either as
'legitimate' targets or were regarded as putting themselves in harms
way. This was the case with both the US and UK governments. The stick
has identifiable outcomes in intimidated, beaten and dead journalists.
But the more important outcome is the message that it sends to other
journalists to keep away from independent or 'unfriendly' reporting.
This is where the carrot comes into play. This tries to build up
'friendly' information by allowing access in exchange for control and
in socialising journalists to identify with the military. This was
known as 'embedding' and was spectacularly successful in securing
positive (distorted) coverage. The philosophy of information control
run by the US and UK reduces all information to an instrument of war
and sees no effective difference between 'enemy' information systems
and neutral information systems (independent media).
The Lies
The lies and disinformation on Iraq were extensive and continue today.
There are so many lies that it is not possible to give more than a
modest set of key examples of the deceptions.
The Big lies were that Iraq posed a threat to the west; that Iraq had
chemical or biological weapons or active weapons programmes; that they
had a nuclear programme; that there was some sort of link between Al
Qaeda or other Islamist groups and the Iraqi regime; that The attack on
Iraq would be simple and over quickly and that the rationale for the
attack was to restore democracy.
To cultivate these lies a large number of other specific lies were
told. These included presentation and documentation produced by both
the US and UK governments which were riddled with falsehoods and
deceptions. There is a great deal of evidence now in the public domain
about these lies and the way in which they were taken up and amplified
by the mainstream media.3
The results in media performance
The mainstream news media in the US and UK were overwhelmingly
complicit in promoting the credibility of official sources and
intelligence 'information' on the alleged threat posed by Iraq. The
deception perpetrated by the US and UK government (and to a significant
extent also the Spanish, Australian and other governments) was only
sporadically exposed and properly reported on. In the US alternative
views almost never made the mainstream. In the UK, while there is some
more room for dissent, even sceptical journalists on anti war papers
were unable to openly express their scepticism. All the studies
conducted on the mainstream media show similar patterns. To highlight
just two. The Cardiff University study showed that 'wartime coverage
was generally sympathetic to the government's case'.4 It also found
that the minority viewing channels such as Channel Four were able to
show more sceptical reports than were the mainstream mass channels such
as the main BBC reports.'5 The study in the US by FAIR showed that '
Nearly two thirds of all sources, 64 percent, were pro-war, while 71
percent of U.S. guests favored the war. Anti-war voices were 10 percent
of all sources, but just 6 percent of non-Iraqi sources and 3 percent
of U.S. sources. Thus viewers were more than six times as likely to see
a pro-war source as one who was anti-war; with U.S. guests alone, the
ratio increases to 25 to 1'.6
Complicity in presenting the claims to legality of the invasion, and
denouncing counter-claims.
The evidence presented above in relation to the dominance of official
sources is by itself evidence that official lines dominate news.
Complicity in promoting (and the failure to expose) the false
credibility of the sources and veracity of �intelligence�� on the
claimed threat posed by Iraq.
The overwhelming bulk of the mainstream media (including the 'liberal'
and 'left' mainstream press) gave a false credibility to the notion
that Iraq posed a threat to the west. Intelligence information was
accepted as legitimate and truthful, often without attribution.
It is worth concentrating on the television news as this is the main
source for most people on world events.
UK television
WMD: During the period of the invasion (20 march - 9 April 2003) '91
percent of the reports... examined contained references to WMD that
suggested that Iraq had or could have had such weapons, while only 15
per cent contained references which raised doubts about their existence
or possible use. We might remember that this was in a period where it
was known that Iraq could not have had any serious WMD. As such
balanced news which suggested that WMD did or did not exits in an even
handed way would still have been hugely distorted.
In the run up to the invasion, the 'legitimation phase', there was some
dissent in television coverage. This was as John Theobald puts it a
�reflection� of the �deep cracks in elite solidarity � which were a
result in part of the �crudity of US government positions but also in
part a result of the mounting popular opposition to the attack on Iraq.
These factors both fed through and were reflected in mainstream media
output. �On these quite rare occasions, normally hidden information
seeps out through the fissures�7 But once the invasion was underway the
elite fissures closed up at least temporarily. This was most obvioulsy
notable in the unity of propaganda message that we must now back the
troops now they are in battle. This new phase in the propaganda was
extremely successful in swinging both the mainstream media behind the
war and minimising dissent. This was candidly recognised by the head of
BBC news, Richard Sambrook. There was little journalistic cross
examination during Blair press conferences after the invasion started
'partly because there is a degree of political consensus within
Westminster, with the Conservatives supporting the Government policy on
the war and the Liberal Democrats, whilst opposed to the war,
supporting the UK forces�. Press conferences are covered not to
challenge ministers, but to �find out the latest information�. Of
course as everyone else recognises press conferences are set piece spin
sessions. This indicates the poverty of the BBC approach to division in
the country: If it is not happening at Westminster, it is not
happening. On ITV the main alternative channel to the BBC the political
editor Nick Robinson acknowledges �it was my job to report what those
in power were doing or thinking... That is all someone in my sort of
job can do�
The almost complete failure to properly question the fabrications in
late 2002 to March 2003 is well documented.
This highlights the twin problems of TV news. First the tendency to
take the official line at face value even in the face of overwhelming
evidence to the contrary. Second the seeming inability even to
attribute official statement s so that they are reported not as the
view of a particular official or government, but simply as facts. Such
mistakes on attribution are very rarely made in relation to the 'other
side'.
The structural over accessing of official voices is acknowledged in all
the academic research produced on Iraq both studies showed that
official sources dominated television.8
This picture shows overwhelming bias towards official sources. Note
also the fact that anti-war voices do not even merit a separate
category in either of these studies. But the bias is understated by
these figures. As one study suggests: 'many claims that came from
military sources were unattributed. So, for example, when we analysed
the television coverage of four stories that came from military sources
- all of which turned out to be unfounded - we found that nearly half
the claims made were unattributed'9
US television
All the evidence of studies of the US mainstream media show that the
television and elite press very largely repeated and amplified the
notion of a threat from Iraq. In particular the notion that Iraq posed
a threat. That they possessed WMD; that they were implicated in 9/11;
and that the only way to counter this threat was military invasion.
The coverage of Colin Powell�s presentation to the UN (see Appendix 5)
The lack of scepticism is echoed by the very narrow range of view
allowed onto television in the US.
If News From Iraq Is Bad, It's Coming From U.S. Officials: Stories Bush
missed
Extra! January/February 2004 By Jon Whiten
Despite criticism of the media by the Bush administration and its
allies, U.S. TV news coverage of the Iraq situation continues to be
dominated by government and military officials, according to a new
study by FAIR. The few critics of military operations that find
themselves on the nightly news broadcasts rarely question the war as a
whole. Nightly network news reports largely focus on tactics and
individual battles, with more substantial and often troubling issues
surrounding the war, such as civilian casualties, rarely being reported.
The study looked at 319 on-camera sources appearing in stories about
Iraq on the nightly network newscasts--ABC World News Tonight , CBS
Evening News and NBC Nightly News--in the month of October 2003.
Sources were coded by name, occupation, nationality, topic and network.
Out of 319 sources, 244 (76 percent) were current or former government
or military officials. Of these, 225 were from the United States, and a
further nine were from the U.S.-appointed Iraqi Governing Council.
http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=1167
Complicity in promoting, and the failure to expose, the myth of
progress� on, and necessity� of, the ongoing occupation.
The vast gap between what is reported from the ground in Iraq and what
appears in the mainstream media in the US and UK on the occupation and
its effects is apparent from evidence cited above on the lack of
reporting of credible scientific or UN reports. The coverage of the
election as �free and democratic� is merely the latest example.
Can it be said that the media (by reference to identified media action)
is culpable of actively silencing and discrediting dissenting voices,
and for failing to adequately report on the full national costs and
consequences of the invasion and occupation of Iraq? Ie Censorship in
and by the media.
It is clear that dissent was actively silenced by both US and UK media.
The over-concentration on official sources on both sides of he Atlantic
ensured the effective marginalising of anti war voices. This was
especially the case after the invasion began (as noted above). The lack
of attention to dissenting voices was apparent across the mainstream
and corporate media
Covering dissent: Halliday, Von Sponeck and Ritter.
Scott Ritter, former chief Unscom weapons inspector, who was an
inspector in Iraq between 1991-98, claims that Iraq was "fundamentally
disarmed" of 90-95% of its WMDs by December 1998. He also claims that
inspections were deliberately sabotaged by US officials in 1998
precisely +because+ the Iraqis were rapidly approaching 100% compliance
- so removing justification for continued sanctions and control of
Iraq. In December 1998, Ritter said:
"What [head of Unscom] Richard Butler did last week with the
inspections was a set-up. This was designed to generate a conflict that
would justify a bombing." (Quoted, New York Post, December 17, 1998)
Last year, Richard Sambrook, then BBC's director of news, told us that
Ritter had been interviewed just twice: on September 29th, 2002, for
Breakfast With Frost, and on March 1, 2003 for BBC News 24. Newsnight
editor Peter Barron told us that Newsnight had interviewed Scott Ritter
twice on the WMD issue before the war: on August 3, 2000 and August 21,
2002.
A BBC news online search for 1 January, 2002 - 31 December 2002
recorded the following mentions:
George Bush Iraq, 1,022
Tony Blair Iraq, 651
Donald Rumsfeld Iraq, 164
Dick Cheney Iraq, 102
Richard Perle Iraq, 6
George Galloway Iraq, 42
Tony Benn Iraq, 14
Noam Chomsky Iraq, 1
Denis Halliday, 0
Source Media Lens
Coverage of world Tribunal in Guardian and independent websites of
World Tribunal on Iraq 2003-10 February 2005 Zero. Not a single mention
Coverage of civilian casualties:
According to a two-month survey carried out by an Iraqi
non-governmental organisation, the People's Kifah, comprising hundreds
of activists and academics, more than 37,000 Iraqi civilians were
killed between the start of the US-led invasion in March 2003 and
October 2003. (Ahmed Janabi, 'Iraqi group: Civilian toll now 37,000',
31 July, 2004,
http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/66E32EAF-0E4E-4765-9339-594C323A777F.htm)
We searched in vain for coverage of this important survey in news
reports by ITN, the BBC, The Guardian, The Independent, Financial Times
and others. On 30 August, 2004, we conducted an online news search,
using the extensive Lexis-Nexis database, and were able to find only
two mentions in the UK press: one, a brief account in the Western Mail,
a Cardiff-based newspaper, on 26 August. The only other mention was a
passing reference in a Guardian comment piece by activist Tariq Ali.
('The withdrawal of foreign troops is the only solution', The Guardian,
12 August, 2004)10
* The Lancet study (100,000 deaths) (See Appendix 6)
* UNICEF report on Iraq October 2004 (see Appendix 7)
* Depleted Uranium (See Appendix 8)
* Silencing dissent in the US (See Appendix 9)
* The �D� Notice committee: The final example considered here is the
issuing of a �d� or �defence� notice in autumn 2004 by the Defence,
Press and broadcasting committee. (See Appendix 10)
The example of the D notice indicates the fundamental orientation of
British television journalism towards the powerful. This echoes the
famous statement that the first Director General of the BBC confided to
his diary in the midst of the 1926 general strike. The cabinet had
decided not to take over the BBC. Reith noted that the decision was
really a �negative one� because �they know they can trust us not to be
really impartial�. Since that time UK news has very rarely departed
from the assumptions implicit in that judgement.
The media 'managing' news/�truth� through the structures and workings
of embedded reporting
The structures of embedding are based on the principles of �information
dominance� in which �friendly� information is integrated into the
command and control structures of the military. (See Appendix 11)
The embedding process was regarded as a great success by the US and UK
government�s and has already been copied elsewhere. Some critics have
alleged that the embeds were no more enculturated than other
journalists.11 This view is based on a mis-comparison of the embeds
reporting with that of News anchors.
Media silence on intimidation/violence against journalists as
systematic practice.
The silence on intimidation was not total. The deaths of journalists
were reported. The notion that the attacks on journalists were either a
systematic practice or the result of the information dominance approach
to �unfriendly� information was almost entirely absent from the
mainstream media. It was certainly not reported on the television news.
Media failure to inform the citizenry of the full implications of the
domestic political consequences of the �war on terror�.
On the home front meanwhile, the propaganda campaign to talk up the
'terrorist threat' has continued apace. The alleged threat from
'Islamic terrorists' or 'al-Qaeda' is constantly discussed by the US
and UK governments. Indeed both governments have created new government
departments and new propaganda agencies to deal wit this threat. In
many ways the threat has replaced the 'soviet threat' as the key
organising ideology of the powers that be. This has meant new laws
which curtail civil liberties and a large number of high profile
arrests amid media stories of bomb plots chemical attacks and al-Qaeda
cells. In neither the US nor the UK have any more than a handful of
convictions been secured. Those that have been have not been for
'terrorism'. In other words the creation of a climate of fear has been
a deliberate tactic based on unreliable information and straightforward
disinformation. The UK government created a new apparatus to
co-ordinate this effort. (See Appendix 12)
In the US the same sorts of processes applied. Adam Curtis has shown
that the neo-conservatives in the Whitehouse have a long record of
using the media in their propaganda campaigns to close the gap between
reality of threats and the threats predicted by their ideology and
interests. 12
Influencing public opinion
The evidence on media performance is supplemented by evidence on public
opinion. This shows important differences between the US and UK opinion
which in part reflect differences in reporting. But they also reflect
differences in the strength of the anti-war movement. For example while
US and UK opinion routinely prefers spending on health and education
over the military and while more people favour cutting military
expenditure than raising it, there was also a clear pattern of majority
support for the invasion of Iraq in the US. This was clearly built on
the successful use of propaganda by the US administration. The study by
PIPA showed not only that many US citizens had believed the
disinformation about WMD and the link to al-Qaeda, but that the extent
of misperceptions were related to support for the invasion. Furthermore
the PIPA study showed that viewers of cheer leading stations like Fox
were more likely to be misled than viewers of less biased stations such
as NPR/PBS 13 In the UK, public opinion was hostile to war in the run
up to the invasion. This appeared to change after the invasion was
launched. The research evidence suggests that this change was not an
acceptance of the need for war, but rather a pragmatic support for the
UK forces while engaged in action.14
But as this study concludes 'it seems likely that, in Britain at least,
the coverage of the war itself played a part in persuading a majority
to support it'.15 Furthermore the fact that some sections of the
population apparently signed up to the notion of supporting the troops,
is itself not an ideologically neutral formulation. In fact it mirrors
the rapid ideological closure around the attack once it had started.
This encompassed the UK government, the official opposition, the more
critical Liberal democrats, and notably (as indicated above) the
mainstream media, particularly television news (the main source of
information on international affairs for most people in the UK.
Enabling elite action and coherence of coalition.
But perhaps the most significant effect of the disinformation and the
way it was amplified by the media and convinced some sections of the
public is the way it legitimised elite actions and buttressed the
coherence of the coalition for war. This does indicate the most
significant problem of the role of the media, its function as an elite
sounding board and legitimator. 16
To conclude, overall, the media are culpable for subverting the
democratic rights to information and truth and for misinforming the
pubic convincing some of the people, some of the time of the need for
war.
1 Information Dominance: The Philosophy Of Total Propaganda Control?
David Miller, 29 December 2003,
http://spinwatch.server101.com/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=292
2 In the UK case see 'They Were All Asylum Seekers': The Propaganda
Campaign To Link Iraq To Terrorism At The expense Of Refugees. David
Miller, 27 March 2003,
http://spinwatch.server101.com/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=281;
On the underlying philosophy of the threat see Adam Curtis
http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,3604,1358277,00.html; Andy
Beckett The making of the terror myth Friday October 15, 2004 The
Guardian
http://www.guardian.co.uk/terrorism/story/0,12780,1327904,00.html
3 Sheldon Rampton and John Stauber (2003) Weapons of Mass Deception,
London: constable Robinson; Christopher Scheer, Robert Scheer and
Lakshmi Chaudhry, (2003) The Five Biggest Lies Bush told us about Iraq,
Seven Stories Press; Glen Rangwala, "Iraq's weapons of mass
destruction: the assessment of the British government", 24 September
2002: Problems, contradictions, falsehoods.
http://middleeastreference.org.uk/dossier030603.html; 16 June 2003:
Glen Rangwala, "Analysis of the dossier of 30 January 2003", a paper
produced at the request of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the House
of Commons http://middleeastreference.org.uk/fac030616.html; Glen
Rangwala, Claims in Secretary of State Colin Powell�s UN Presentation
concerning Iraq, 5th Feb 2003
http://middleeastreference.org.uk/powell030205.html; Glen Rangwala, 14
February 2003: "16 discrepancies between Powell's claims and the
evidence of Blix and ElBaradei"
http://middleeastreference.org.uk/un030214.html; Sam Cowan, Truth from
these podia,
http://www.usnews.com/usnews/politics/whispers/documents/truth.pdf
4 Justin Lewis and Rod Brookes (2004) 'Reporting the War on British
Television', in David Miller (ed) Tell me Lies: Propaganda and media
distortion in the attack on Iraq, London: Pluto.
5 Biased broadcasting corporation A survey of the main broadcasters'
coverage of the invasion of Iraq shows the claim that the BBC was
anti-war is the opposite of the truth Professor Justin Lewis Friday
July 4, 2003 The Guardian,
http://media.guardian.co.uk/iraqandthemedia/story/0,12823,991215,00.html
6 Amplifying Officials, Squelching Dissent FAIR study finds democracy
poorly served by war coverage http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=1145
7 John Theobald, (2004) The Media and the Making of History, Aldershot:
8 Justin Lewis and Rod Brookes (2004) 'British TV news and the case for
war in Iraq', in S. Allan and B. Zelizer (eds) Reporting War:
journalism in Wartime, London: Routledge; Tumber, H. and Palmer, J.
(2004) Media at War: The Iraq crisis, London: Sage.
9 Lewis and Brookes, p290
10 MEDIA LENS MEDIA ALERT, 02nd September 2004, NO MEA CULPA FROM THE
BRITISH MEDIA - PART 1, Media Lens Challenges Senior Editors
http://www.medialens.org/alerts/2004/040902_No_Mea_Culpa.htm
11 Justin Lewis and Rod Brookes, 2004, ibid.
12 Andy Beckett 'The making of the terror myth' The Guardian, Friday
October 15, 2004
http://www.guardian.co.uk/terrorism/story/0,12780,1327904,00.html; Adam
Curtis 'Fear gives politicians a reason to be' The Guardian, November
24, 2004 http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,,1358277,00.html;
Adam Curtis 'Feign of Terror' Village Voice, April 19th, 2005 11:25 AM,
http://www.villagevoice.com/film/0516,curtis,63147,20.html
13 http://www.pipa.org/OnlineReports/Iraq/Media_10_02_03_Report.pdf
14 Justin Lewis Changing their minds The Guardian, Tuesday September
30, 2003.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/analysis/story/0,3604,1052233,00.html
15 Justin Lewis (2004) 'Television, public opinion and the war in Iraq:
the case of Britain', International Journal of Public Opinion research,
16(3).
16 Murray Goot 'Public Opinion and the Democratic Deficit: Australia
and the War Against Iraq', Australian Humanities Review
http://www.lib.latrobe.edu.au/AHR/archive/Issue-May-2003/goot.html
Four UK channels % BBC ITN
UK/US government and military 46
58 66
Official Iraqi sources 30
10 9
other media 5 - -
Iraqi citizens 7 17
12
Others -eg Red Cross 12
24 22
DAVID MILLER (Scotland)
As a faculty member of the Sociology and Geography Department at Strathclyde University in Glasgow, his current research interests include propaganda and the 'war on terror', corporate communications, corporate power, lobbying, the strategic use of science, corporate influences on academic work, spin and the decline of democratic governance. David Miller is editor of Tell Me Lies: Propaganda and Media Distortion in the Attack on Iraq.